Abstract: For a democratic government to be responsive to the public opinion, information must be made available to the people. In this sense, the Right to Information has proven to be a key component of a healthy democracy because it empowers citizens with the right to demand what activities and decisions are being made on their behalf. Information and knowledge promotes and ensures a transparent, open and accountable governance structure – the conditions necessary for the success of democracy. Further, the Right to Information stands against arbitrariness and corruption by the agencies of the state, and in that it serves as a tool to foster good governance . Besides, it also acts as a restrain against arbitrary exercise of official power by empowering the people to hold public authorities accountable for their actions on a regular basis. Yet, the most significant level of public service delivery is the local level, for it is here that the success or failure of any policy or programme could be determined. Moreover, the interaction of the public is highest at the local level. Given the above background, the focus of this paper will be on the role of RTI in Service delivery process with reference to local level (Gram Panchayat). The paper will explore whether the right to information has turned local administration into a more transparent and accountable institutions in service delivery process. Besides, the paper will highlight various implementational challenges before the RTI in service delivery process.

Abstract: More than ever before, analysts in government have access to policy-relevant research and advocacy, which they consume, interpret, and apply in their role in the policy process. Academics have historically occupied a privileged position of authority and legitimacy in the public domain as it relates to applied policy research, but some argue this is changing with the rapid growth of think tanks and research-based advocacy organizations. Craft and Howlett (2012) have theorized that it is not just the location or source of the policy advice that will shape its perception and influence, but also the content of advice, as more (and different) actors have entered into the policy advice system. This paper documents the findings from a randomized controlled survey experiment completed by 701 policy analysts from the BC, Saskatchewan, Ontario, and Newfoundland provincial governments in Canada to systematically test and differentiate the source and content effects of policy research in two subject areas: minimum wage and income-splitting tax policy. Subjects were asked to read research summaries of these topics and then assess the credibility of each article, but for many of the survey respondents the affiliation/ authorship of the content was randomly reassigned. The experimental findings lend evidence to the hypothesis that academic research receives a ‘credibility bonus’ among those in government, whereas think tank or advocacy organization research tends to suffer a ‘credibility penalty’ resulting from their organizational identities, regardless of the research content.

Abstract: "This article explores the area of research engagement between two very important communities in the Canadian public policy landscape: academics in the fields of Public Policy, Public Administration and Political Science on the one hand and senior public service executives (Deputy Ministers) on the other. We analyze data from two complementary surveys that were undertaken in Canada during a twelve months period between 2014 and 2015. Our analysis represents the first large scale study of both these communities to be undertaken in Canada and it is relevant to current debates centering on policy analytical capacity (Howlett 2015; Bernier 2013) and to the discussion of evidence-based decision-making in Canada (Hammersley 2013; Young 2013). Using data from these two surveys we argue that – at a general level – the two communities live in a ‘marriage of indifference’ situation. Among some of the results we find that the surveys offer data support for a shift in the way the intake and development of policy advice for the public administration is structured. It also supports the anecdotal evidence that there has been a decline in the quality of the relationship between these two communities over the past decade. More granular analysis reveals important differences in relationships depending on whether academics adopt a more ‘consultant-like’ approach to research development, on the jurisdiction, and the salience of a specific topic for the policy agenda. our research highlights that an important part of the engagement between the academics community falls in the informal area."

Abstract: Drawing hypotheses from various fields, predominant hypotheses between political dynamics and the mobility of administrative elites are statistically tested with an original dataset of deputy minister turnover in the 10 Canadian provinces extending from before the development of the professional bureaucracy into the modern era. While various political variables are found to effect mobility, the extent and nature of these effects vary across different historical periods. Drawing upon Hood and Lodge's concept of political-administrative relationships embodying a Public Service Bargain, this variation is explained as reflecting axiomatic shifts in the value and use of administrative offices in the rewards and competencies of these executive relationships. Whereas predominate explanations of bureaucratic appointments draw upon principle-agent theories and universalize government intentions underlying the strategic appointment of bureaucratic elites, this work sheds light on the historical contingencies of the relationship between political dynamics and bureaucratic mobility by scrutinizing the larger historical context within which politicians view the bureaucracy and the value of administrative offices.