Abstract: In Canada, Conservative political parties have a troubled relationship with so-called “special interest” groups, notably groups that defend sexual minorities. Nevertheless, the Conservative Party of Canada does hold a number of positions that differ from those of other Western Conservative parties. For example, the Canadian Conservative Party is not wholly opposed to multiculturalism, and it is more tolerant of, or seems more open to, diversity that its counterpart in the United States. Given this context, what is the Federal Conservative Party’s position on LGBT issues? Is it systematically opposed to LGBT claims? Some provincial Conservative leaders appear more open to sexual diversity, such as Ontario Tory leader Patrick Brown, who marched in the Gay Pride parade in Toronto last summer. Is this merely a passing fashion, or does this reflect a more profound evolution of political conservatism, provincially and federally? In this paper, we propose to address these questions. Our primary focus is the Federal Conservative Party, but we also examine some provincial Conservative parties, including Quebec’s right-leaning political parties. We also examine some new organizations, such as LGBT Tory Canada, to find out whether such organizations truly represent a new kind of Conservative organization, or are no more than political marketing operations seeking to modernize the Conservative image. To put it summarily, to what extent can LGBT issues transform the perception of the Conservative Party of Canada?

Abstract: Everywhere LGBT representation in western countries lags behind this group’s estimated percentage of the population. It is unclear what impact electoral institutions might have on such levels of representation. Many scholars now accept that the choice of voting system between winner take all and forms of proportional representation can decisively alter the incentive structures for politicians, parties, and voters in terms of what kind of diversity gets elected. But do claims for diverse representation work the same way for LGBT as for gender, race, and ethnicity? This paper will utilize insights from the scholarly comparative literature on diverse representation to assess to what degree the challenges of gaining LGBT representation are distinct from other diverse representation efforts. Canada has utilized a single member plurality system for most of its elections at the federal and provincial level, and, as such, has suffered the rather slow increases in diverse representation usually associated with such a system. Still, there have been gains in diverse representation from the 1980s (including, more recently, for LGBT people). By examining the historic emergence of LGBT representatives in Canada, we can establish if there are any identifiable patterns in terms of how such candidates have gained office, whether those patterns differ from those for other groups, and thus contribute to a broader comparative dialogue about representation and voting systems. Additionally, the paper will attempt to assess whether the introduction of a proportional voting system would lead to any meaningful differences for LGBT representation in Canada.

Abstract: Political representation is a central concept of political science that has generated reflections from both theoretical and empirical perspectives. This is particularly true regarding women and minorities, whose representation within political institutions (or, rather, the lack of it) has inspired an impressive number of studies. However, one social minority has been largely neglected by researchers: LGBT people. Indeed, despite the wealth of knowledge on representation, very little is known about the political representation of LGBT people. The objective of this chapter is to fill this gap by offering a reflection on the political representation of LGBT people. Drawing on classic (i.e., H. F. Pitkin) and more recent (Michael Saward, Judith Squires) writings on the political representation of women, I explore some political representation theories with the intention of making sense of the representational role of openly LGBT MPs regarding LGBT concerns. I argue that although straight MPs allies can act for LGBT concerns, only openly LGBT MPs can stand for them. Indeed, openly LGBT MPs make a unique contribution to the representation of LGBT concerns by performing emotional narratives of their personal life experiences as LGBT citizens.