Abstract: "The present paper addresses the question of the extent to which the emergence of a ‘knowledge economy’ or ‘knowledge society’ may be seen as reshaping the contours of responsibility for higher or post-secondary education in federal systems. It addresses this question through a comparative study of Canada and Germany, framed by Piattoni’s (2010) wider framework for the understanding of multi-level governance. Following Piattoni’s work, a ‘three dimensional’ perspective is adopted, in which the classic federal division of powers (national/sub-national) is further situated relative to intersecting national/international and state/civil society (stakeholder) axes. Empirically, attention is focused on the emergence of comparable federal strategies of dis- and re-engagement with the higher education sector, producing a focus in both cases on ‘research excellence’ initiatives. Correspondingly, attention is also focused on a renewed concern with ‘system management’ issues at the sub-state level, largely focused on institutional differentiation in the Canadian case and degree reforms in the German case. Overall, a picture emerges of a broadly convergent sectoral agenda, but in which distinctive national institutional systems also continue to shape distinctive policy responses. The German case continues to be distinguished by both the stronger horizontal dimension of the federal system and its placement within the wider European context (notably the Bologna Process). Conversely, the Canadian case is distinguished by the direct influence which (major research) universities themselves are able to exercise as political actors. The study draws on extensive documentary research and interviews in the two countries, at both national and sub-national level."

Paper / Communication

Abstract: This paper sheds new light on the emerging cross-national trend of family policy expansion (see Ferragina and Seeleib-Kaiser 2015) through a comparative analysis of recent family policy reforms in two unlikely cases, Canada and Germany. These reforms defy expectations borne out in the comparative social policy literature because they have taken place under conservative governments. I argue that agendas of family policy expansion pursued by the governments of Angela Merkel (2005 -) and Stephen Harper (2006 -), respectively, reflect a "modernized" political landscape that has forced conservative governments to take "soft issues" like family policy seriously. Further, I draw on various structural and cultural variables to explain why German reforms have generally followed a universalistic trajectory while Canadian ones have followed a neo-familial one. Specifically, I observe that the German custom of coalition governance has kept the leftist SPD engaged in policymaking, which has subsequently had a moderating effect on German family policy development. By contrast, the winner-take-all character of Canadian politics has allowed Harper to push through his family policy agenda unilaterally, despite many of these policies garnering only lukewarm support from the general public. I also observe that much of the political rhetoric surrounding the issue in Germany has been natalistic and assimilationist in tone, suggesting that German politicians drew on latent xenophobic sentiment to build cross-partisan support for expansive family policies like universal daycare and extended parental leave.

Paper / Communication