2017 Canadian Political Science Association


Annual Conference Programme

Ryerson University
  Congress of the Humanities and Social Sciences: May 27 - June 2
  The CPSA conference dates within Congress are Tuesday, May 30 to Thursday, June 1.

All members are invited to attend the
2017 Annual General Meeting to be held on
May 31, 2017 at Ryerson University.

Time: 01:00pm to 02:00pm | Location: HEI-201 (Heidelberg Centre)

CPSA PRESIDENT'S DINNER
May 31, 2017

Time: Cocktails available at 6:00 pm; Dinner from 6:30 pm - 10:30 pm |
   Location: Dim Sum King (421 Dundas Street West, Toronto)

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Political Economy



Session: G11(b) - Deconsolidation Panels: The New Populist Right I

Date: Jun 1, 2017 | Time: 08:45am to 10:15am | Location: VIC-305 (Victoria Building)| iCal iOS / Outlook

Chair/Présidente: Sedef Arat-Koç (Ryerson University)

Discussant/Commentatrice: Sedef Arat-Koç (Ryerson University)

Participants & Authors/Auteurs:

Robert Finbow (Dalhousie University) : Rethinking State Theories for the “Deconsolidation of Democracy”: The Rise of Pluralist Plutocracies?
Abstract: Political practices in late modern, post-industrial, globalized capitalism are moving into distinctive new forms, in what Colin Crouch terms “post-democracy” – no longer quite democratic and not yet fully authoritarian, though tending in such directions in some cases. The trends of increased political and economic polarization, declining political trust and engagement and rise of populism, nativism, illiberal and authoritarian ideas may be a response to trends in globalization, which leave a substantial portion of the population unsatisfied with political choices and outcomes. Biases in governance privileging wealth domestically and transnationally arguably underlie much of this popular disaffection. This essay will revisit state theories, building upon conceptions of the competition state (Cerny et. al.) to suggest reformulations to acknowledge the decrease in democratic accountability and increased responsiveness to plurinational plutocratic elites in the neoliberal global order. A reconceptualization is required to understand why public policy serves the interests of the few over the many, the externally-linked over the local; to explain why the state privileges transnational and overseas interests over opportunity for citizens. The essay will focus on a theoretical critique and formulation. It will also suggest areas of future empirical research required to elucidate the nature of plutocratic governance, focused on transnational economic and trade agreements, social formations and ideational apparatuses - what Held calls “global governance complexes” which deepen integration and liberalization across increased areas of public policy and restrain and reshape the character of democratic governance.

Paper or Poster / Communication ou Présentation visuelle
Adam Harmes (University of Western Ontario) : Neoliberalism, Populism and Brexit
Abstract: British euroscepticism, culminating in the recent ‘Brexit’ vote, is generally viewed as being a populist conservative, rather than neoliberal, phenomenon. This is the case for two reasons. First, as elsewhere in Europe, British euroscepticism is conservative and populist on the surface in that it is framed in terms of British nationalism, identity and sovereignty. Second, to the extent that neoliberalism is often viewed simply as a more recent revival of classical economic liberalism, it is generally portrayed as being pro-international and thus antithetical to such forms of nationalism. As a result, explanations of why euroscepticism has been stronger in Britain have emphasized other factors such as Britain’s majoritarian electoral system as well as it’s more unique history, culture and geography. In contrast, this paper argues that British euroscepticism has been stronger precisely because Britain is a more neoliberal country than those in continental Europe. Theoretically, the paper demonstrates how the neoliberal approach to federalism and multilevel governance gave rise to a neoliberal form of euroscepticism, one that mirrors a similar type of free market anti-internationalism in the United States. Empirically, historical process tracing is used to situate Brexit in the longer history of British euroscepticism and to show how actors supporting neoliberalism fanned the flames of conservative populism and nationalism. The process tracing draws on interviews with, and primary documents from, British interest groups, think tanks and political parties as well as a range of secondary sources.

Paul Kellogg (Athabasca University) : Psychological Wage and the Trump Phenomenon
Abstract: The leader of a major party in the United States has run a presidential election campaign through appeals to racism and violence, appeals which have drawn crowds of tens of thousands. What are the factors which propelled Donald Trump from Reality Television to presidential candidate for the Republican Party in the United States? Often economic turmoil is identified as a breeding ground for Trump’s kind of racialized, protectionist, “white nationalism”. But his move into mass politics happened while the United States was recovering from, not descending into, economic crisis. This paper will argue that Trump’s “class” appeal cannot be understood in strictly economic terms. Trump’s populist politics have little to no appeal among poor people of colour. His “class appeal” is completely racialized, attracting a mass lower class audience that is extraordinarily white. The Trump phenomenon cannot be understood through an economic-reductionist focus on the economic wage. His appeal can best be understood by deploying the framework outlined by W.E.B. DuBois – the “public and psychological wage” accruing to the non-racialized population of the United States through systemic racism. Trump’s hostile takeover of the Republican Party – pushing aside the neoliberal corporate elite who thought it was their party – was made possible by a toxic appeal to a racism that, alongside a quite horrifying sexism, defined his presidential campaign.

Jacob Robbins Kanter (Queen's University ) : Electoral Politics and the Geography of Demographic Change: Explaining the Absence of Anti-Immigrant Parties in Canada
Abstract: Why are there no explicitly anti-immigrant political parties in Canada? Some explanations have focused on multicultural policies that provide support and recognition for minority cultures (Reitz, 2013). Other scholars have emphasized features of the Canadian immigration regime, such as the prioritization of highly skilled migrants who access social benefits at lower levels than the native-born population (Banting, 2010). This project suggests that an important piece of the puzzle is the competitive nature of ridings with large immigrant populations and the geography of demographic change. In a Single Member Plurality electoral system, parties are heavily focused on elections in closely contested ridings. Rural ridings in Canada favour the Conservative Party, while most urban ridings consistently support the Liberals. Since neither major party can realistically make sufficient gains in each other’s strongholds, competition focuses primarily on the suburbs. Crucially, rising property values in Toronto and Vancouver have pushed a large proportion of new Canadians into the suburbs of these cities. The concentration of immigrant voters in politically competitive seats thus serves to limit anti-immigrant rhetoric. The project will analyze campaigns in ridings in which the immigrant population has increased and will conduct a content analysis of campaign messaging in order to illustrate the intensification of competition for immigrant support in these ridings.

Paper or Poster / Communication ou Présentation visuelle