Comportement politique/sociologie

F12(b) - Institutions and Democracy

Date: May 31 | Heure: 02:00pm to 03:30pm | Location: Classroom - CL 434 Room ID:15726

Chair/Président/Présidente : David McGrane (University of Saskatchewan)

Discussant/Commentateur/Commentatrice : David McGrane (University of Saskatchewan)

Economic Anxiety, Race and Populism: Voter Support for Toronto Mayor Rob Ford: Andrea M.L. Perrella (Wilfrid Laurier University), Simon J. Kiss (Wilfrid Laurier University), Zachary Spicer (Munk School of Global Affairs)
Abstract: Recent election results such as the UK “Brexit” referendum on the European Union, Donald Trump’s ascendency to the presidency, the growth of the Alternative for Germany (AfD) party in Germany have rattled scholars' and citizens’ confidence in the viability of liberal democratic institutions. One dominant theoretical explanation for why voters turn to populist and authoritarian candidates is that people are experiencing economic anxieties amidst increasing inequality and polarizing labour markets. A second emphasizes working class xenophobia and racism. Current analyses of the UK referendum and the US presidential election seem to favor the latter over the former. However, before Brexit, and before Trump, there was Toronto mayor Rob Ford. Known equally for bizarre personal antics, outsider status, and populist conservative economic views, Ford is a classic case of the right-wing, authoritarian politician. In this paper, we present survey data from 2014 that compares the impact of perceived economic stress with social conservatism and other control variables on approval ratings for Ford. Our data shows the importance of perceived economic stress, independent of income, on support for Mayor Ford. Surprisingly, our data also show that visible minorities were more likely than non-visible minorities to support Ford. Our data suggests that appeals to economic stress and anxiety are powerful and can generate wide support for right-wing authoritarian candidates, even among visible minorities.

Presidential Crises, Democratic Crises? An Analysis of 12 Presidential Crises in Latin America Using Public Opinion Survey Data: François Gélineau (Université Laval), Maxime Blanchard (Université Laval)
Abstract: Democratic consolidation in Latin America has been marked by the development of a new form of instability : presidential crises. Authors do not agree on the significance of these events for democracy in the region. While some believe it constitutes a new form of accountability, others claim it results from a mere political instrumentalisation of constitutional provisons. This research contributes to enlighten the ongoing debate by offering empirical evidence of the impact that presidential crises exert on citizen satisfaction with democracy. Using the data from the Latinobarometers between 1996 and 2013, we analyze the impact of 12 presidential crises in seven different Latin American countries. Results show that citizen satisfaction with democracy is negatively affected by crises, especially when the latter end with the President leaving office. Considering that support for democracy in the region has been shown to be contingent upon satisfaction with it, presidential crises can therefore be perceived as a threat to democracy in Latin America. Building on political uncertainty litterature, this paper therefore lends supplementary support to the claim that what citizens are looking for in democracy is stability and thus expect the fixed term length of Presidents to be enforced.

The Role Played by Diasporas in Transnational Social Movements: Mireille Manga Edimo (University of Yaounde II, IRIC)
Abstract: What are the ’’real’’ democratic capacities of citizens in Diasporas? How to understand and interpret the logics of their actions and participation in transnational social movements? If the current context has led to greater disaffection, the emergence of new groups actors and the increase of virtual protest politics, which give more theoretical strength to Diasporas capacities, not enough has been said about their destabilizing capabilities. In fact, the generalization of enfranchisement among Diasporas whose intervention abilities in various fields of political life of their respective States of origin are no more to be demonstrated, leaves behind the above mentioned questions. Moreover, if advanced research studies, publications, as well as official discourses say a lot about transnational political participation or political transnationalism, the question here is to apprehend the dialectical relationship between local social movements and democratic capacities of Diasporas. In line with confronting the relationships between Diasporas political opinions, strategies and involvement in States social and political crises, we expect to come out with explanations on their democratic strength and political and social crises faced by States. For a such purpose, we intend to use existing empirical data, carrying out direct and indirect observations and analyse them with the help of conceptual tools drawn from the new debates in political behavior research considering the influence of class, beliefs, economic models, as well as the interaction of structures, with a focus on three groups of African diasporas of Central Africa (the Gabonese, the Cameroonians, and the Chadians).