N15 - Gender and Representation in Electoral Politics
Date: Jun 4 | Time: 08:45am to 10:15am | Location:
Discussant/Commentateur/Commentatrice : Meagan Cloutier (University of Calgary)
Missing Numbers, Missing Voices: Women in Politics in Canada: Betsy McGregor (Trent University)
Abstract: Missing Numbers, Missing Voices: Women in Politics in Canada.
The journey of women in politics has many distinct characteristics and challenges. This paper will explore the complex trade-offs women weight before putting their names on the ballot; the trials and triumphs of life inside politics, and the impact of the inevitable end of a political career.
The paper will be based on a three-year research project for a unique book ‘Women on the Ballot: Pathways to Politics’ and my own journey into politics. Interviewees includes ninety-five women trailblazers in Canada across party lines and at all levels of government including indigenous. Their ages span from 23 to 93; their backgrounds are diverse and their Ridings are rural, urban and remote. Contrasts will be drawn between gender hurdles and the realities of intersectionality where race, ethnicity, sexual orientation and faith affiliation added complexity to the path of women in politics.
More than measuring numbers or reaching quotas, the paper will explore what happens when critical mass is reached and why parity is a matter not only of human rights but of policy urgency according to the interviewees. On October 18th, 1929, women were recognized as ‘Persons’ under the Canadian constitution. By 1960, all women in Canada had won the vote. Fast forward 60 years, and barely one-quarter of Canada’s legislatures are women. There was a high-water mark in 2013 when seven women premiers led provinces or territories simultaneously. Today, there are none. Ground gained is easily lost. Why? Does it matter?
This is Where I do my Work: Women Municipal Politicians in Ontario: Jacquetta (Jacquie) Newman (King's University College), Bonnie Buthrie (King's University College)
Abstract: It is commonly understood that women’s first forays into representative politics occur at the local level in municipal politics. Reasons given for this include, ‘women’s issues’ tend to be local issues, local politics are more meaningful for women, it is the accepted entry point for women seeking higher political office, it is an easier fit for women’s work-life balance, and/or resources are more available. This paper reports the findings of a study of Ontarian female municipal councillors asking why they chose to enter politics at the level they did, their motivations for running, and their political ambitions. It finds that a great deal of diversity characterizes women’s political careers at the local level, the old adage that women have to be asked at least five times to run is rare in practice, anger is a great motivator, age doesn't matter as much as thought, and ambition is not all it's cracked up to be.
The Origins of Party-Directed Gendered Electoral Financing: France, Ireland and New Brunswick: Anna Johnson (University of Toronto)
Abstract: This paper is a comparative investigation into gendered electoral financing initiatives in France, Ireland and the Canadian province of New Brunswick. While studies of gender quotas are plentiful, few examine the specific incentives attached to these quotas. In 2017, The Province of New Brunswick amended its annual per-vote subsidy for political parties to encourage parties to increase the number of female candidates they nominate. This reform falls into a category of initiatives now referred to as “party-directed gendered electoral financing” (Muriaas et al., 2019), which tie the funding of political parties to efforts to increase female representation in legislatures. Only 27 countries around the world have introduced such gendered electoral financing and most of these are newer or developing democracies. Before the reforms in New Brunswick, France and Ireland were the only two established Western democracies to introduce such initiatives.
Yet, while France and Ireland use gendered electoral financing to supplement their formal candidate gender quotas, New Brunswick has opted to forgo an official gender quota; instead, offering parties greater per-vote funding based on the gender of the party’s candidates (i.e. a vote for a woman is worth 1.5 times a vote of a man). This preliminary examination identifies commonalities and differences among these jurisdictions in their adoption of party-directed gendered electoral finance initiatives. Following Krook (2006), the paper examines such forces as the mobilization of women, elite strategy, notions of equality and representation, and international norms to determine how they may have shaped the differing outcomes in each case.
Understanding Pregnancy in Public Office: Rachael Johnstone (University of Waterloo)
Abstract: “I’m pregnant, not incapacitated,” said Jacinda Ardern, Prime Minister of New Zealand (NZ) and the second elected leader to ever give birth while in office. Ardern is one of an increasing number of elected representatives working to balance pregnancy with her official responsibilities. Doing so has necessitated ingenuity and maneuvering, as no official maternity leave policy is in place for representatives in NZ, or indeed in most other democratic countries. This policy gap has recently garnered significant attention. In 2018, the United Kingdom (UK) faced controversy over its management of the voting rights of one pregnant MP after breaking a “pairing-agreement,” in which a member of an opposing party agrees to abstain from voting to balance out their missed vote, on a key Brexit vote. Meanwhile, in Canada, Karina Gould became the first cabinet member to give birth while in office, and she and a number of other MPs successfully lobbied for the creation of parental leave for parliamentarians.
This paper will map the policies and arrangements meant to accommodate pregnant and recently postpartum representatives in three countries – Canada, the UK, and New Zealand – all of which have recently had a high percentage of pregnant and postpartum MPs. In so doing, it questions the key impediments that constrain the capacity of pregnant and postpartum women to fulfill the role of holding public office and the impact of these constraints on the rights of women to serve as representatives in public office.